Iranian Mullahs incite mobs against U.S. & Israel over “Innocence of Muslims” ….”Some senior ayatollahs welcomed the attack on the U.S. Consulate in Benghazi and warned that the U.S. should expect further harsh reactions from the Muslims. The Global Ahl-e Al-Bayt Foundation, which is directly subordinate to the office of Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, urged Muslims worldwide, and especially the Shi’ites, “to demonstrate and protest against this offensive move [of making the film], and do everything they can to ban it, in order to prevent the continuation of these satanic actions.”  On September 13, senior ayatollah Mohammad Ali Alavi Gorgani exhorted the Shi’ites worldwide to “express their outrage to the people of the world” and that Muslims should “react to this satanic move… behind which stands global Zionism.” Student Basij representative Ali Hassan Zadeh called on Muslims to remove the cancerous growth – Israel – from the Middle East. Kazem Tabatabai, a Friday prayer leader from the city of Zabol, said: “The Muslims must no longer keep silent. They must launch all-out jihad to eliminate the arrogance [the West headed by the U.S.].” Assembly of Experts member Ayatollah Abbas Ka’abi said: “The entire Muslim nation must join forces with the zealous Libyan people against the film that insults Islam and the Prophet.”  Ayatollah Nouri Hamedani said: “The U.S. must expect [even] harsher measures.” Iranian Vice President Mohammad-Reza Rahimi said that the Iranian government would search for the producer of the anti-Muhammad YouTube film and would place him under surveillance. Two prominent regime mouthpieces, Kayhan and Fars, stressed that the targeting of U.S. diplomats in the Middle East would now become a trend. A September 15, 2012 Fars analysis said that the killing of the U.S. ambassador to Libya will be “the opening shot for the killing of U.S. ambassadors in the region.” It also warned Arab leaders not to suppress the masses’ rage against the U.S., because doing so could bring down their regimes: “The Arab leaders… of the post -Mubarak, post -Qadhafi and post -Ali ‘Abdallah Saleh [era]… must realize that the revolutions do not depend on them, but that they depend on the revolutions. If they stray from the path [of the revolutions], they will undoubtedly be deposed. This time, the insults to Islam came up against the dam of the Islamic awakening. The offending country [i.e. the U.S.] can no longer insult [Islam] and expect that its ambassadors in the Islamic countries will remain safe. The Islamic awakening has significantly increased the cost of insulting the sanctity of Islam. It is not only [the YouTube film’s purported director] Sam Bacile who should go into hiding; now the offending country’s ambassadors in the Islamic countries will [also] feel unsafe, even though the Egyptian and Yemeni police fired on the protestors… [The killing of the U.S. ambassador] is a phenomenon that possibly could continue – and even if it does not continue with the same determination, it may make the U.S. diplomats feel constantly unsafe.” Fars also warned the leaders of Arab countries where revolutions have recently taken place that “if they want to grow close to the West and sacrifice Islam in favor of liberal democracy, they will face their peoples’ demands, and they should not expect that to end well.” It added that Egyptian President Muhammad Mursi’s September 12 speech condemning the film but banning attacks on the U.S. Embassy in Cairo pleased both Islamist and Western ears, and reflected his understanding that “anti-Western sentiment now prevails in his country.”….
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NEWS ALERT: Family Fears Iranian Pastor Dying Behind Bars
…”Family members of jailed Iranian Pastor Behnam Irani fear he may die behind bars amid mounting concerns about his rapidly deteriorating health and prison mistreatment, an official assisting him with advocacy told BosNewsLife Wednesday, April 25.
Irani, who suffers of several ailments including an intestinal disorder, is “frequently beaten by prisoners under the watchful eye of prison officials,” said Jason DeMars of advocacy group Present Truth Ministry.
“Sources close to the family are concerned that he will die before the end of his five-year prison sentence,” DeMars explained. Besides known health issues, he is also “having trouble with his eyesight and his foot,” he added, suggesting the situation may be even more serious than previously thought.
Irani, who is in his 40s and married with two children, has been behind bars in a prison of Karaj city where he led a congregation of the Church of Iran house church movement.
He has been held on charges of “crimes against the Islamic state” apparently linked to his involvement in the unauthorized house church”…..
Preventing a Nuclear Iran :: Middle East Forum A briefing by Michael Rubin March 19, 2012
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..”Michael Rubin, a former editor of the Middle East Quarterly , is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute and a senior lecturer at the Naval Postgraduate School. He formerly served as a political adviser to the Coalition Provisional Authority in Iraq and has written extensively about Iranian history and politics. He is the author of Into the Shadows: Radical Vigilantes in Khatami’s Iran (2001) and the co -author of Eternal Iran (2005). On March 19, Rubin addressed the Middle East Forum in Philadelphia about the efficacy of sanctions on Iran as well as the prospect and logistics of an Israeli strike.
Can sanctions against the Iranian regime be effective? Michael Rubin addressed this question by citing Tehran’s former nuclear negotiator, who revealed that previous suspensions of Iranian nuclear enrichment had merely been temporary ploys aimed at ameliorating international pressure and preventing a UN consensus on sanctions. Rubin argued that Iran’s bleak current economic outlook is due not to sanctions but to the regime’s mismanagement of the economy.
Whether sanctions can cause the regime to change tack is a different story. Twice before, Tehran has staked out very firm positions only to ultimately reverse course: in 1981, when fifty-two American hostages were released after 444 days in captivity—the reason for which, Rubin explained, is a topic of much debate—and in 1988, when Ayatollah Khomeini accepted a ceasefire to end the Iran-Iraq War. Khomeini admitted that the ceasefire was like “drinking a poisoned chalice” but that eight years of bitter stalemate and the desolation of the Iranian economy left him no choice.
What measures can be imposed today that would force Iran to again drink the proverbial poisoned chalice? Rubin suggested that broader, rather than targeted, sanctions would be a good start. It may be necessary to cause some “pain for ordinary people,” he noted, “if our goal is to start a grassroots movement.”
Rubin voiced reservations about taking the diplomatic route. With only ten percent of the Revolutionary Guards (IRG)’s revenues coming from the government, the force has effectively “gone rogue.” Even if a deal was struck with the Iranian regime, the IRG—with its control over the country’s main cargo airport, many of the customs gates at the Imam Khomeini International Airport, and, most likely, a nuclear weapons program—would still pose a grave physical and ideological obstacle. For this reason, a policy of deterrence doesn’t sit well with Israel or America. Moreover, were the regime to be defeated, the potential for the IRG to launch missiles simply out of spite, as did Gaddafi’s forces at Misrata when defeat became imminent, suggests that containment isn’t a viable option either.
The question is, therefore, whether Israel could pull off an air strike on Iran. Even if the Jewish state succeeded in striking under a veil of secrecy, this would quickly disappear once the pilots delivered their payloads, and they would still have to travel about 700 miles before exiting Iranian airspace. Thus, Iranian control centers and air defenses would also need to be eliminated, requiring an operation of such magnitude that an Israeli attack would be both improbable and ineffective.
Against this backdrop, Rubin emphasized the importance of distinguishing the Iranian people from the regime, citing a poll that suggests that only 25 percent of Iranians favor the clerical system, while 75 percent have given up on it. With little faith in the efficacy of the aforementioned options, Rubin proposed that we leverage and embolden this majority, push for regime change, and ask ourselves: how can we empower the Iranian people?”….
Summary account by Alex Berman.